Who is Flimflaming Whom?

Folks, things are getting serious. Paul Krugman and the Progressives have found the solution to all of our problems: spend money now, borrow, print, and then tax the rich (even higher) in the future and stick it to business. We'll all get rich!

You see, this is what Krugman calls a "serious" proposal. Anything that is grounded in reality -- you know, that fact-based world -- is what The Great One calls a "flimflam." First, however, he had to take his usual shot at Paul Ryan and the budget Krugman attacks. (Not that such things are news. While I have no plans to shill for Ryan, nonetheless I would say that what Ryan does is much more serious than Krugman's fantasy of spending ourselves into prosperity.)

However, one has to realize what Krugman calls a "serious" proposal: the budget plan recently released by the Congressional Progressive Caucus, which is a nice way of describing a group of people who believe in near-total State control of every aspect of your life. (Except abortion on demand, of course, as only that should be left out of any governmental regulation, according to "Progressives.")

Called "Back to Work," Krugman describes the plan in his own words:

But there’s a plan that does: the proposal from the Congressional Progressive Caucus, titled “Back to Work,” which calls for substantial new spending now, temporarily widening the deficit, offset by major deficit reduction later in the next decade, largely though not entirely through higher taxes on the wealthy, corporations and pollution.

Yes, we are supposed to believe that after the government spends trillions more on "job creation" (which is yet another euphemism for "massive public works" that socialists are fond of demanding), sometime in the next decade Congress will get around to trying to figure out how to pay for all of this. This "serious" proposal has the usual stuff about public works, "green energy," and all of the things that Obama has been pushing already. And there is yet another promise that socialist medical care will both lower costs and improve delivery.

What I do find interesting is that Krugman declares the following when describing another budget proposal, this one by Senate Democrats who apparently are not "Progressive" enough for Krugman:

...the Senate plan calls for further deficit reduction, through a mix of modest tax increases and spending cuts. (Incidentally, the tax increases still fall well short of those called for in the Bowles-Simpson plan, which Washington, for some reason, treats as something close to holy scripture.) But it avoids large short-run spending cuts, which would hobble our recovery at a time when unemployment is still disastrously high, and it even includes a modest amount of stimulus spending.

If unemployment is "disastrously high," then one would have to say that President Obama's programs then have had "disastrous" results. However, Krugman has been shilling for Obama for the past five years and continues to shill for him. Yet, he describes the results of what Obama has done to lower unemployment as "disastrous"? Very interesting.

In other words, this is more of Krugman's "heads I win, tails you lose" reasoning. And when it comes to "serious" budget proposals (as though Congress and the president are going to agree on a budget when that has not occurred for many years), the most serious is the one that spends and borrows now and then 10 years from now leaves to a future Congress as how to pay for all of it. No doubt, the Inflation Fairy is going to have to do a lot of work to pay for this one.

The Federal Deficit is a Symptom, Not a Disease

Member of Congress are infamous for attacking symptoms of a problem instead of going straight to the heart of the disease, and the current "discussion" on the massive federal deficits are yet another case in point. While I do find myself in some agreement with Paul Krugman on the issue of deficits in his most recent column, nonetheless I also find that once again Krugman sets up the straw man argument and falsely portrays himself as a lonely voice of sanity.

I will say it again; the federal budget deficits are symptoms of the larger problem of federal spending and lawmakers and economists should not be fixated upon them while ignoring more important issues. While I agree with Krugman that as the economy improves, deficits will grow smaller, I contend that the Keynesian prescription -- spend like crazy during the recession -- actually has made the economy worse and has prevented a more robust recovery.

Then there are following statements like this that make me scratch my head in disbelief:

What’s really remarkable at this point, however, is the persistence of the deficit fixation in the face of rapidly changing facts. People still talk as if the deficit were exploding, as if the United States budget were on an unsustainable path; in fact, the deficit is falling more rapidly than it has for generations, it is already down to sustainable levels, and it is too small given the state of the economy.

Yes, readers are told simultaneously that (a) the deficit is dwindling because the economy is improving and, (b) the deficit needs to be bigger to help the economy. This is the classic non sequitur in which (a) does not imply (b). His logical chain, I believe, runs as such:

• Deficits should be large if the economy is depressed because extra spending (as long as the revenues come from borrowing or outright money printing or taxes on the "idle hoards" of the rich) boosts the economy, as more deficit spending ultimately will lead to less deficit spending;
• The current federal deficit is dwindling even as government spending increases because the U.S. economy is rapidly improving;
• Therefore, the current U.S. federal deficit is too small.

The idea behind Krugman's thinking here is that the U.S. economy has been mired in a "liquidity trap," a set of circumstances in which individuals as a whole are mired in a perverse Nash Equilibrium in which no one will seek better gains from trade because no one else is willing to do the same. If government does not try to break the logjam with massive new spending (no worry of where to spend, just spend), then the economy will permanently be stuck at a miserable steady-state of high unemployment and low output. Only new government spending can change the circumstances.

Keep in mind that U.S. Government policies before 1929 pretty much adhered to what Krugman says not to do, yet the economy always recovered from downturns. Only from 1929 to 1940 did the government actively intervene, and we call that era the Great Depression, yet today we are told that the New Deal programs actually ended the Depression, which clearly is not true.

Murray Rothbard wrote about the penchant of governments to try to internally bring prosperity by more spending, and he predicted (accurately) that the programs would fail. This section from America's Great Depression is a very poignant commentary on what has been done in the past five years:

If government wishes to see a depression ended as quickly as possible, and the economy returned to normal prosperity, what course should it adopt? The first and clearest injunction is: don't interfere with the market's adjustment process. The more the government intervenes to delay the market's adjustment, the longer and more grueling the depression will be, and the more difficult will be the road to complete recovery. Government hampering aggravates and perpetuates the depression. Yet, government depression policy has always (and would have even more today) aggravated the very evils it has loudly tried to cure. If, in fact, we list logically the various ways that government could hamper market adjustment, we will find that we have precisely listed the favorite "anti-depression" arsenal of government policy. Thus, here are the ways the adjustment process can be hobbled:

1. Prevent or delay liquidation. Lend money to shaky businesses, call on banks to lend further, etc.


2. Inflate further. Further inflation blocks the necessary fall in prices, thus delaying adjustment and prolonging depression. Further credit expansion creates more malinvestments, which, in their turn, will have to be liquidated in some later depression. A government "easy money" policy prevents the market's return to the necessary higher interest rates.


3. Keep wage rates up. Artificial maintenance of wage rates in a depression insures permanent mass unemployment. Furthermore, in a deflation, when prices are falling, keeping the same rate of money wages means that real wage rates have been pushed higher. In the face of falling business demand, this greatly aggravates the unemployment problem.


4. Keep prices up. Keeping prices above their free-market levels will create unsalable surpluses, and prevent a return to prosperity.


5. Stimulate consumption and discourage saving. We have seen that more saving and less consumption would speed recovery; more consumption and less saving aggravate the shortage of saved-capital even further. Government can encourage consumption by "food stamp plans" and relief payments. It can discourage savings and investment by higher taxes, particularly on the wealthy and on corporations and estates. As a matter of fact, any increase of taxes and government spending will discourage saving and investment and stimulate consumption, since government spending is all consumption. Some of the private funds would have been saved and invested; all of the government funds are consumed. Any increase in the relative size of government in the economy, therefore, shifts the societal consumption-investment ratio in favor of consumption, and prolongs the depression.


6. Subsidize unemployment. Any subsidization of unemployment (via unemployment "insurance," relief, etc.) will prolong unemployment indefinitely, and delay the shift of workers to the fields where jobs are available.

Both the Bush and Obama administrations have done all of these things in spades, yet even now Krugman complains that we need larger budget deficits (although the current shrinking deficit reflects economic improvement). The above suggestions definitely set Keynesians to fits of apoplexy, but they pretty much have summed up what the government did before, and the economy always recovered.

The Keynesian response always is the same: we haven't spent enough money. How much is enough? The Keynesians will let us know when we have reached that point - but we haven't reached it yet.

Krugman is correct; the issue is not finding ways to cut the deficit per se, as much of the deficit is due to the condition of the economy. However, as Rothbard so clearly stated above, the massive government interventions have not helped the economy, but instead have slowed the recovery and have made it much harder for entrepreneurs to find those lines of production that are going to be profitable.

The fixation should not be on balancing the budget, both of us believe. However, we part company when we look at how to deal with the issue at hand.

I would ask this final question: If what Krugman has claimed earlier is true - that the U.S. Government's response to the crisis has essentially been one of "austerity" - then how is the economy growing fast enough to shrink the deficit? Furthermore, let me ask if this quote from Krugman even makes "Keynesian" sense:

“People are exhausting their savings,” he (Krugman) said. “People are running out of hope.”

Isn't the destruction of savings during a recession a key to bringing back prosperity? How can this be a sign of "losing hope" if the actions actually stimulate consumption, and every good Keynesian knows that consumption actually is the form of production that creates real prosperity? Furthermore, are we not supposed to be cheering on the Inflation Fairy as it destroys savings and raises real costs to individuals? Inquiring non-Keynesians really would like to know.

Is Paul Krugman Really a Martyr?

Paul Krugman operates with numerous themes, although for the most part they revolve around his belief that (1) the U.S. economy is in a "liquidity trap," and (2) government must spend, borrow, raise taxes (ostensibly to seize "idle" money holdings), print money, and spend some more. Anyone who does not agree, according to Krugman, is not worthy of existence and certainly should not be allowed to make any public utterances.

(The Austrians, in Krugman's view, are nothing more than an evil cult who apparently are trying to foist things like the Law of Scarcity and Marginal Utility -- What? Marginal Utility? -- upon the world. Everyone but the Austrians knows that government can create prosperity by printing and borrowing.)

Lately, however, Krugman has fastened himself to another theme: Paul Krugman, martyr. Yes, Krugman is fashioning himself as the Lonely Voice In The Wilderness, the ignored prophet, the abused Holy Man, and now the Last Hippie (or at least until Ben Bernanke testified to Congress that showering the world with freshly-printed dollars was sound economic policy -- that made Bernanke an Honored Hippie).

To be honest, I find this amusing. Martyrs do not receive Nobel Prizes, nor do Sunday television news shows compete literally every week for the man's appearance. Nor do martyrs make millions of dollars a year, and martyrs certainly do not have positions on a faculty of one of the world's top-ranted universities.

What Krugman seems to mean is that if anyone -- Anyone -- publicly criticizes what he is saying, then whoever had the temerity to utter such blasphemies also has inflicted a grievous wound upon The Great One and has thrown him into the pit of martyrdom. Those who refuse to believe in the Inflation Fairy or who would deny that governments can create more wealth by forcing up real costs have no place in the discussion of economics.

Joseph Salerno on Bernanke's Asset Bubbles

While I realize that Paul Krugman insists that only "unregulated" markets can create asset bubbles (and that government plays no role in creating them), Joseph Salerno begs to differ, saying that the U.S. Government and its Federal Reserve System is "addicted" to a bubble economy.

Helicopter Ben Runs Out of Ideas for Creating Money

Ben Bernanke confided on January 14 that he is unaware of any new method of stimulating economic growth. Bernanke said: “As far as I’m aware, there’s no completely new method that we haven’t [already tapped].” So Helicopter Ben has run out of innovative and unconventional ways to create new money. Lest you be tempted to breathe a bit easier, however, rest assured that the now conventional method of quantitative easing, involving the Fed’s monthly purchase of $85 billion worth of mortgage-backed and U.S. government securities, seems to be working just fine according to Bernanke and he foresees its continuation. Noting the stubbornly high unemployment rate combined with the low inflation rate in the U.S. economy, Bernanke stated, “That is the case for being aggressive, which we are trying to do.” Although he is “cautiously optimistic,” he does promise to closely monitor the risks, efficacy, costs, and benefits of this inflationary policy.

I guess the rapid asset price run-up in stock and commodities markets, which are nearly back to financial bubble levels, and booming farmland prices do not count in Bernanke’s benefit-cost calculus. More likely, Bernanke accounts them as a benefit, which, via the “wealth effect,” will induce another debt-driven consumption spree on the part of the American public that will stimulate economic growth, i.e., create another bubble economy.

Read the Entire Article Here

Ben Bernanke, Inflationist

Hail, Ben Bernanke! He has received praise from on high, or at least from someone on the Princeton faculty (lavishing accolades upon the former chair of the economics department). Paul Krugman has taken notice that Bernanke isn't about to be the skunk at the party. No, Uncle Ben wants us and our government to spend as though there is no tomorrow. (And with Bernanke running things at the Fed, there very well might not be a tomorrow.)

Krugman compares Bernanke's call for more inflation and expansion of government spending with the earlier opposition some people had to the war in Iraq. (The idea here is that having the courage to speak out against a war in its early stages when the war was popular is the same as having the "courage" to call for the Fed to print more money.)

That's right. Krugman wants us to believe that it takes real courage for someone to demand that the government pretend as though the economy is doing well by borrowing, taxing, printing, and, of course, spending. (Of course, wars entail government spending, lots of government spending, so how could a Keynesian be against that?) Yes, yes, Ben Bernanke also believes in the Inflation Fairy.

In reading Krugman and now Bernanke, I have come to understand that these men see no downside at all in runaway government spending. There is no transfer of wealth from individuals to the state and then to politically-connected people; no. government spending in and of itself creates wealth. Thus, when governments spend money, they actually are producing consumption (or something like that).

Krugman gives all of the usual accolades to government spending (We don't have near enough of it), but my favorite portion of his column is what follows:

The point is not that Mr. Bernanke is an unimpeachable source of wisdom; one hopes that the collapse of Alan Greenspan’s reputation has put an end to the practice of deifying Fed chairmen. Mr. Bernanke is a fine economist, but no more so than, say, Columbia’s Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate and legendary economic theorist whose vocal criticism of our deficit obsession has nonetheless been ignored. No, the point is that Mr. Bernanke’s apostasy may help undermine the argument from authority — nobody who matters disagrees! — that has made the elite obsession with deficits so hard to dislodge.

And an end to deficit obsession can’t come a moment too soon. Right now Washington is focused on the idiocy of the sequester, but this is only the latest episode in an unprecedented run of declines in public employment and government purchases that have crippled our economy’s recovery. A misguided elite consensus has led us into an economic quagmire, and it’s time for us to get out.

So,there you have it. The CAUSE of the current economic malaise is the lack of government spending. Now, since government spending comes the wealth government confiscates from private individuals who actually produce it might lead us to think that the reason government spending is not as high as Krugman wants it to be is that the economy is depressed. If the economy were doing better, government would be able to take more in taxes and, thus, increase its spending.

In Wonderland, however, things are backward. Government spending creates the wealth that comes from private firms. The more government spends, borrows, prints, and takes in taxes, the wealthier all of us become. Why? Because Krugman, Joe Stiglitz, and now Ben Bernanke tell us that is so.

Thornton vs. Krugman on "Austerity"

Paul Krugman is on another "austerity" roll, as witnessed by his most recent column, although his definition of "austerity" seems to be something right out of Wonderland. As I have read Krugman, from what I can tell, he defines "austerity" as a government spending less than it did before an economic downturn began.

Mark Thornton, whose skills as a real economist I respect more than I do Krugman's (since Krugman long ago abandoned economics for political advocacy), sees things differently. In a recent article, Thornton examines the definitions of "austerity," and then takes apart the Keynesian "logic" (an oxymoron, of course):

But what is austerity? Real austerity means that the government and its employees have less money at their disposal. For the economists at the International Monetary Fund, “austerity” may mean spending cuts, but it also means increasing taxes on the beleaguered public in order to, at all costs, repay the government’s corrupt creditors.

In other words, the European style of "austerity" includes both spending cuts (or alleged spending cuts) and raising taxes, which means that while government burdens might be declining somewhat on one side of the ledger, they are increased on the other side in an attempt to prop up the banks that irresponsibly lent large sums of money to corrupt governments like Greece. Thornton continues:

Keynesian economists reject all forms of austerity. They promote the “borrow and spend” approach thatis supposedly scientific and is gentle on the people: paycheck insurance for the unemployed, bailouts for failing businesses, and stimulus packages for everyone else.

I don't believe that is a misrepresentation of either the Keynesians or Krugman, who has argued vociferously that during a downturn, the government must increase its spending and do so in dramatic fashion. (From what I can tell, he is more ambivalent regarding tax increases, at one point advocating expiration of all Bush-era tax rate cuts, including those on lower-income individuals, and elsewhere calling just for more taxes on high-income people. In other words, he tends to blow with the political winds.)

For that matter, Krugman often has claimed that because the Obama administration has not increased spending enough (or at least enough to satisfy Krugman's Keynesian tastes), that it, too, is engaged in "austerity." Defining the term in this manner, as I see it, is tantamount to moving the goalposts, as a Keynesian always can claim that there should have been more spending and borrowing. The government spends an extra $800 billion for stimulus? Not enough! Had it spent just $400 billion more, the recession would have ended!

How do we know this? Krugman says so, and that should be the only "proof" needed to confirm the thesis. The syllogism goes like this:

• The Obama administration pushed through an $800 billion "stimulus" spending package;
• Unemployment actually increased dramatically in the months afterward;
• Therefore, government did not spend and borrow enough money.

Built into the assumptions is the view that a stimulus actually would have a real effect upon the economy, creating economic growth over a longer period of time, as opposed to just making some politically-connected people better off in the short run (while making others worse off, something Keynesians don't want to admit, as they want us to believe that "stimulus" funds consist of new wealth, not transferred wealth).

When one uses such a syllogism, however, as proof that a "stimulus" actually would improve the real economy, then we are witnessing the informal fallacy of Begging the Question. Furthermore, the Keynesians want it both ways, wanting to claim that increased government spending is a response to a downturn, which is caused purely by internal "contradictions" within a market economy, while at the same time claiming that a decrease in government spending can cause a recession. (This is more of the "heads I win, tails you lose" economic propositions that Krugman and his allies like to use when engaging in what they call arguing.)

Thornton sees things differently, writing:

Austrian School economists reject both the Keynesian stimulus approach and the IMF-style high-tax, pro-bankster “Austerian” approach. Although “Austrians” are often lumped in with “Austerians,” Austrian School economists support real austerity. This involves cutting government budgets, salaries, employee benefits, retirement benefits, and taxes. It also involves selling government assets and even repudiating government debt.

Thornton then gives a very interesting example, one that I am sure will drive the Krugmanites batty, as it is totally counterintuitive to their own theories of political history:

One historical example of austerity legislation is the Economy Act of 1933. This legislation, submitted by Franklin Roosevelt six days after his inauguration, slashed government spending, wages, and benefits, including cuts of 50 percent to veterans’ benefits, which at the time constituted a quarter of the federal budget.

The Act helped jump-start the economy. Combined with the repeal of Prohibition it helped reduce unemployment from 25 percent to almost 15 percent. These two pieces of legislation were the real reason for FDR’s popularity. Unfortunately Congress acted on less than half of Roosevelt’s requested cuts and increases in government spending greatly diminished the beneficial impact of FDR’s austerity legislation.

In fact, Thornton argues that it was the later spending and regulation side of the New Deal that prevented a real recovery and turned the 1930s into a lost decade:

Worse still, FDR quickly adopted Hoover’s “New Deal” programs, expanded some, and added new ones. With respect to the Great Depression, Murray Rothbard’s thesis was that Hoover’s and Roosevelt’s “New Deal” prevented the economy from recovering. In an attempt to keep prices and wages high, they both continuously intervened with one program after another. More spending, more regulation, and more resources were withdrawn from the economy, yet nothing worked. Today, mainstream economists Harold Cole and Lee Ohanian have verified the soundness of Rothbard’s thesis.

Thornton then uses the post-World War II period to point out that "austerity" in the form of cutting federal spending did not bring about the predicted postwar depression, but actually had the opposite economic effect:

The proof for real austerity, however, came after World War II ended. All the Keynesian economists warned of a return of the Great Depression. In sharp contrast, the American Austrian School economist Benjamin Anderson predicted that the economy would recover, in a very short period, despite multi-billion dollar budget cuts and millions of government jobs being slashed. What was the verdict on this debate? There was no real Depression of 1946, as the economy recovered very quickly despite the fact that the government was running large budget surpluses.

No doubt, the Keynesians would claim that 1946 did not have "liquidity trap" characteristics, but I see that as just another example of how they "move the goalposts." (We are supposed to believe that there are certain magical conditions in which entrepreneurs are paralyzed and that individuals can find no gains from trade even though the potential for such gains is in abundance if only -- If Only! -- the government would spend more money.)

Austrians have not favored the general European approach in which taxpayers of countries like Greece, Ireland, or Spain are supposed to labor to pay back banks even while banks make new loans to their governments to try to prop up current spending. It is not sustainable, and I suppose that even the Keynesians would agree there.

However, like Thornton, I believe that neither the USA nor the Europeans can rebuild their economies by trying to launch another boom cycle. Such cycles, of course, have a way of ending in yet more busts and resulting in even more long-run government burdens that ordinary people must bear. European "austerity" and Keynesian profligacy are two sides to the same coin: both promote economic destruction.

Krugman and the NY Times: Consuming Wealth Actually is the Same as Producing Wealth

With the Big, Bad Sequester looming as the Crisis of the Week and all of the media and political angst accompanying it, I have come to understand that how one responds to the prospect of the government being forced to cut back on spending also helps to define how one sees government spending as it relates to the economy. Not surprisingly, Paul Krugman and his part-time employer, the New York Times, believe that government spending is the very key to wealth itself.

In an unsigned editorial calling for higher taxes, the NYT declares:

Democrats and Republicans remain at odds on how to avoid a round of budget cuts so deep and arbitrary that to allow them now could push the economy back into recession. The cuts, known as a sequester, will kick in March 1 unless Republicans agree to President Obama’s demand to a legislative package that combines spending reductions and tax increases. As of Thursday, with the deadline a week off, Republicans seemed determined to say no to any new tax increases.

“Spending is the problem,” declared the House speaker, John Boehner. “Spending must be the focus.” Reflecting the views of many of her Republican colleagues, Representative Martha Roby said Wednesday that Mr. Obama “already got his tax increase” as part of the January agreement over the “fiscal cliff” and that no further increases were necessary. (Emphasis mine)

Now, I'm sure that Gail Collins actually believes what either she or one of her underlings has written, that a small cut in the increase of government spending will be so catastrophic that the entire economy will fall over the cliff. But the next paragraph is even more over-the-top, and demonstrates without a doubt that the editors of the "Newspaper of Record" are out of touch with reality:

Both are wrong. To reduce the deficit in a weak economy, new taxes on high-income Americans are a matter of necessity and fairness; they are also a necessary precondition to what in time will have to be tax increases on the middle class. Contrary to Mr. Boehner’s “spending problem” claim, much of the deficit in the next 10 years can be chalked up to chronic revenue shortfalls from the Bush-era tax cuts, which were only partly undone in the fiscal-cliff deal earlier this year. (Wars and a recession also contributed.) It stands to reason that a deficit caused partly by inadequate revenue must be corrected in part by new taxes. And the only way to raise taxes now without harming the recovery is to impose them on high-income filers, for whom a tax increase is unlikely to cut into spending. (Emphasis mine)

This one calls for some analysis. First, the notion that almost the entire federal deficit is due to the fact that the Bush administration pushed through a reduction in the top tax rate from 39.6 percent to 35 percent is beyond laughable. It is dishonest, but what else can we expect from the newspaper that tried to convince its readers that prosecutor Mike Nifong had in his possession what literally would have been a "magic towel" that would prove those bad Duke lacrosse players raped Crystal Mangum?

Second, we see the real goal of Progressives, and that is to stick the middle class with even more burdens, with the idea that the poorer Progressive government makes people, the more they will have to depend upon government and, of course, Progressive politicians. But, as I read through this editorial along with Krugman's post, "Sequester of Fools," I realize that Krugman and those editors of his part-time employer are True Believers when it comes to the idea that government spending -- no matter what kind of spending it might be -- creates wealth.

This is not an argument about government building roads and bridges, and I'm not about to say that all government roads and bridges constitute economic waste. But the vast amount of government spending is not on constructing things or even providing the delivery system for formal education, but rather for wealth transfers, subsidizing public works boondoggles, and fighting wars of aggression.

It is this spending especially that Austrians see as a burden, but Keynesians see as wealth creation itself. In the Keynesian view, government consumption really is production. This is not the same as saying the end of production is consumption, which is fundamental to Austrian theory. No, this is a way of thinking that sees production as an end in itself (i.e., a "jobs" recovery) and holds that government spending (along with government money creation) is a source of wealth.

In Austrian theory, government spending generally is a burden upon taxpayers and the economy, but we also see that as an economy grows, government spending will grow in real terms along with it. The important thing to keep in mind, however, is that government spending grows with economic growth, not the other way around. The causality chain begins with the growing economy, not the government.

Keynesians would have you believe that it is government spending that triggers economic growth, and that private enterprise is the real burden. After all, individuals and businesses save money or they invest for the future instead of spending everything right now. Households and businesses balance budgets as opposed to governments that engage in deficit spending.

To buttress that point, I present the following from Krugman's column:

Meanwhile, we have a weak economy that is recovering far too slowly from the recession that began in 2007. And, as Janet Yellen, the vice chairwoman of the Federal Reserve, recently emphasized, one main reason for the sluggish recovery is that government spending has been far weaker in this business cycle than in the past. We should be spending more, not less, until we’re close to full employment; the sequester is exactly what the doctor didn’t order. (Emphasis mine)

"Weak" government spending (a relative term if ever there was one) has come about because the economy and the recovery have been weak. This lack of spending has not occurred because Washington is beholden to an alien ideology that claims less government spending is a good thing; no the "lack" of spending is happening because the revenues are not there.

Given the Keynesian mentality, the NYT can editorialize that cutting a few government jobs here and there would devastate the economy and throw it back into recession and not surprisingly, the Obama administration will make sure that the job cutting will be done in the most public way possible, as the White House will work hand-in-hand with the adoring press to ensure that there will be maximum coverage of long lines at airports and elsewhere, as the government will make sure that individuals are inconvenienced or worse as much as can be done.

The purpose of this very public display of job cutting will be to make it seem as though the economy really is being destroyed, and no doubt Krugman and the NYT will be willing partners with the White House to write and distribute propaganda about what might be coming down the pipe. Since they have managed to convince a lot of people that economies grow because governments spend money, I'm sure they will be up to the task to help the Obama administration claim that those mean and nasty Republicans have trashed our fragile economy.